I could cook for my children. It's her first time returning to Krinding - a settlement for displaced people - after clashes in January left tens of thousands of people homeless and hundreds dead. We tried to flee into the street, but they shot my brother. He fell and when he tried to stand up, they shot him again - they killed him in front of me.
I've cried so much… my eyes can barely see now. Now living in cramped conditions in a school classroom in El Geneina, the capital of West Darfur state, she is struggling to take care of her ailing parents and her children. We don't even have beds, pillows, or blankets… I don't have anything. I just stare and do nothing. Ms Abaker says the Rapid Support Forces [RSF], a paramilitary group tasked by the government with keeping civilians safe, is behind the attacks. After 13 years on the ground, experts say their gradual withdrawal since December has been met with a surge of violence.
Some 20, Sudanese troops were promised to take their place, but they are yet to arrive. The war in Darfur began in after ethnic African rebels revolted against former President Omar al-Bashir's Arab-dominated government. Bashir responded by arming local Arab militias - infamously known as the Janjaweed - who targeted non-Arab tribes accused of supporting the rebels. Hundreds of thousands of people died and many villages were burnt and pillaged. Then in , he was ousted from government by some of his own generals following mass street protests calling for his removal.
They claimed years of inequitable treatment and economic marginalization, among other grievances. The government unleashed Arab militias known as the Janjaweed to attack villages and destroy communities. Janjaweed attacks were notoriously brutal and invoked a slash and burn policy that included killing and severely injuring the people, burning homes, stealing or burning food and livestock, and poisoning water wells.
Empower affected populations with sustainable livelihood solutions and immediate, informal learning opportunities that will boost their resilience, improve their lives in the Chad refugee camp settings, and translate well in Darfur, should they choose to return. The program has successfully trained over 1, people in Eastern Chad in perma-gardening, improving food consumption, agricultural production, their ability to save money and their mental well-being while indirectly benefiting approximately 3, family members.
Broadcast our advocacy channels to ensure the safe and voluntary return of displaced populations and the presence of necessary services and protections to facilitate their smooth reintegration. Call for the international community to remain engaged throughout the transition from peacekeeping to peacebuilding instead of abandoning its responsibilities at this critical and unstable stage.
JWW came into being as a response to the Darfur genocide. The Darfuris remain a vital cornerstone of our work. Solar Cooker Project: JWW initiated the Solar Cooker Project in as a way of protecting Darfuri women and girls — survivors of the Darfur genocide living as refugees in Eastern Chad — by reducing their dangerous trips outside of the camps in search of firewood for cooking, serving hundreds of thousands of refugees in five camps.
With the installation of inexpensive plastic sheeting and PVC pipes, women in refugee camps turned their family bathing areas into reservoirs for grey-water collection. They used the collected water to irrigate small vegetable patches.
Many schools participated by raising funds to supply one water well, each a lifeline for refugees. The wells were built with local supplies by local labor, organized and led by a JWW partner. The schools, designed to serve over 4, students, were the first of what was conceived as a series of schools to be built in the 12 Darfuri refugee camps in Chad.
Backpack Project: This was created so that frightened children in the Oure Cassoni refugee camp in Chad could attend schools run by one of our partners.
JWW distributed over 15, backpacks filled with shoes, books, school supplies, soap and toothpaste to school-aged children. The backpacks allowed each recipient to make the most of school under the most difficult of circumstances. Each backpack also contained something intangible but essential to their well-being: hope.
The Armenians were a primarily Christian ethnic group who had lived in Eastern Anatolia modern day Eastern Turkey for centuries. At the turn of the twentieth century, approximately two million Armenians lived in the Ottoman Empire, primarily in rural areas although there were also small communities in large urban areas such as Constantinople. As the First World War loomed, the Ottoman Empire was in a state of decline and as a result had become increasingly polarised. This led to increase in anti-Christian sentiment and amplified the nationalist desire of the Ottoman leaders to create an ethnically homogenous community.
It was hoped that this community would then strengthen the empire through shared beliefs and, as a result, ensure its survival. As the majority of the inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire were Muslim, the Christian Armenians were increasingly seen as outsiders and a threat to the harmony of the empire. During the First World War, the Ottoman Empire joined forces with Germany and Austria-Hungary but suffered several significant defeats and quickly retreated.
To conceal their failure from the public, the Ottoman leaders openly blamed their defeat on Armenians in the region and stated that they had betrayed their empire by fighting for and helping the enemy forces. This deliberate falsehood acted as a catalyst and justification for the genocide of the Armenian people, whereby the CUP government used the emergency wartime conditions to create a more ethnically homogenous community. As a result of this, Armenian soldiers were catagorised as a direct threat to the Ottoman war effort, removed from the Ottoman army, and massacred.
The intellectual elite of Armenian society concentrated in areas such as Constantinople were also rounded up, imprisoned and later murdered. The remaining Armenians, primarily women, the elderly and children, were relocated from strategically important areas and forcibly marched to the Deir ez-Zor by Ottoman forces and local collaborators. As a result of these conditions, thousands died. Young girls and women were also occasionally spared for forced labour as domestic servants, to become wives in Muslim households or to be used as sex slaves.
Those who survived the death marches were imprisoned in camps, such as at Deir ez-Zor or Ras al-Ayn, where conditions were extremely poor and many thousands died of disease and malnutrition. Between March and October , there was another wave of executions, and as many as , more people were murdered. While recognising that mass deportations of Armenians took place during the First World War, Turkey continues to insist that these were necessary security measures as a result of Armenian treachery and violence and do not amount to state-sponsored genocide or mass extermination.
The Khmer Rouge were led by Pol Pot and held radical totalitarian beliefs. They wanted to create a classless, rural, agricultural society where personal property, currency, religion and individuality did not exist. The Khmer Rouge began to implement this vision immediately after taking power on 17 April People associated in any significant way with the previous government, religion, or education, as well as members of ethnic cleansing , were targeted for persecution, imprisonment, torture and murder.
The Khmer Rouge created prisons, which were de facto execution centres. Some Cambodians were also exploited as forced labourers by the regime and died as a result of over-work and malnutrition. Later, as the economic situation worsened and paranoia increased, the Khmer Rouge also began to execute members of its own party for failing to achieve the unrealistic agricultural aims or for being supposed foreign spies.
Following the genocide Cambodia continued to be politically unstable. Although there was significant evidence of the atrocities, the Cold War continued to dominate international concerns, and many Western countries were openly hostile to the new Vietnamese installed communist government.
The Genocide Memorial in Kigali, the capital of Rwanda, which commemorates the Rwandan genocide. The remains of over , people are buried here. The Genocide against the Tutsi refers to the mass murder of up to one million people, primarily Tutsi , between 7 April and 15 July The genocide was carried out by extremist Hutu army officers using military forces in Rwanda, with widespread collaboration and assistance from civilians, the local police, and the institutions of government.
Historically, the Tutsi formed the ruling class in Rwanda, with a Tutsi King ruling within a feudal system. In , the German forces agreed an alliance with the Rwandan Tutsi King, and ruled the country through the Tutsi monarchy.
Following the First World War, under a League of Nations mandate, Rwanda came under control of Belgium, who continued to support the monarchy and maintain Tutsi rule. In the early s, Belgium forces introduced compulsory identification cards, which further segregated the population according to three ethnicities: Tutsi, Hutu and Twa. Whereas previously the boundaries of these groups were permeable , the introduction of the identification cards with its required ethnic identification solidified the separate groups and promoted racial boundaries and ideas.
A quota system restricted the presence of Tutsi in education and employment and this served to reinforce the racist ideology of three distinct groups. These events led to the murder of approximately 20, Tutsi, and many more fled to neighbouring countries to seek asylum. A three-year civil war ensured. Inside Rwanda, all Tutsis and Hutu who had not pledged their support to the president and his party were labelled accomplices and traitors.
Both groups have demanded equal representation in the government and an end to the economic disparity between black Africans and Arabs in Sudan. The violence in the mostly arid desert region has driven millions of Darfur villagers from their homes. Most are in disease riddled refugee camps in Darfur while some have fled to crowded camps in neighboring Chad.
The U. Few aid agencies have been able to penetrate the region because of the violence. Those that have gained access report alarming scenes of starvation, disease and mass killings. In July , the U. Although the force is authorized at 26, members, less than 10, had been deployed as of June
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